The war was not begun to extinguish slavery, but to save the Union.
The EP freed slaves only in areas of the country in open rebellion to
the lawful government not under government control. That comported
with Lincoln's view of his war powers under the Constitution.
Lincoln wrote two famous letters on this subject.
To James Conkling:
"But to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite
likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon
that
subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while I suppose
that
you do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure, which
is
not consistant even with your view, provided you are for the Union. I
suggested compensated emancipation; to which you replied you wished
not to
be taxed to buy negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy
negroes,
except in such way, as to save you from greater expense, to save the
Union
exclusively by other means. You dislike the emancipatio proclamation;
and
perhaps, would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional--I
think
differently. I think the Constitution invests the commander in chief
with the
law of war, in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is,
that
slaves are property. Is there--has there ever been--any question that
by the
law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when
needed? And is it not needed whenever
taking it helps us, or hurts the enemy?
....but the proclamation, as law,
either is valid, or it is not valid. If it is not valid, it needs no
retraction. If it is valid, it can not be retracted, any more than the
dead can
be brought to life....The war has certainly progressed as favorably for
us,
since the issue of the proclamation as before. I know as fully as one
can know
the opinions of others that some of the commanders of our armies in the
field
who have given us some of most important successes, believe the
emancipation
policy and the use of colored troops, constitute the heaviest blow yet
dealt
the rebellion, and that at least one of those important successes could
not
have been achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers....I
submit
these opinions as being entitled to some weight against the objections,
often
urged, that emancipation, and arming the blacks, are unwise as military
measures, and were not adopted, as such, in good faith. You say you
will not
fight to free negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for you; but
no
matter. Fight you then, exclusively to save the Union... negroes, like
other
people act upon motives.
Why should they do anything for us if we will do
nothing for them? If they stake their lives
for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive--even the promise
of
freedom. And the promise, being made, must be kept....peace does not
appear as
distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay; and so
come as
to worth the keeping in all future time. It will have then been proved
that,
among free men, there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to
the
bullet; and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case,
and pay
the cost. And then, there will be some black men, who can remember
that, with
silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised
bayonet they
have helped mankind on to this great consumation; while, I fear, there
will be
some white ones, unable to forget that, with malignant heart, and
deceitful
speech, have strove to hinder it. Still let us not be over-sanguine of
a speedy
final triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us dilligently apply the
means, never
doubting that a just God, in his own good time, will give us the
rightful result."
8/24/63
And to A. G. Hodges:
"You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally said the
other
day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was
about
as follows:
"I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is
wrong. I
can not remember when I did not so think, and feel. And yet I have
never
understood that the presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right
to
act upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took, that I
would,
to the utmost of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the
Constitution
of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the
oath.
Nor was it my view that I might take an oath to get power, and break
the
oath in using the power. I understood too, that in ordinary civil
administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my
primary
abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I have publically
declared this many times, and in many ways. And I aver that, to this
day, I
have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and
feeling on slavery. I did understand however that my oath to preserve
the
constitution to the best of my ability, imposed upon me the duty of
preserving by every indispensible means, that government--that
nation--of
which that constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose
the
nation, and preserve the constitution? By general law life and limb
must be
protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a
life is
never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise
unconstitutional, might become lawful, by becoming indispensible to to
the
preservation of the of the Constitution, through the preservation of
the
nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it...When
in
March, and May and July 1862 I made earnest, and succcessive appeals to
the
border states to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the
indispensable neccessity for military emancipation and arming the
blacks
would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the
proposition;
and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either
surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying
strong
hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I
hoped
for greater gain than loss; but of this, I was not entirely confident.
More
than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations,
none
in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military force, no
loss any
how or any where. On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite one hundred
and
thirty thousand soldiers, seamen and laborers. These are palpable
facts,
about which there can be no cavilling. We have the men; and we could
not
have them without the measure.
And now let any Union man who complains of the measure, test himself by
writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force
of
arms; and in the next, that he is for taking these hundred and thirty
thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be
but
for the measure he condemns. If he can not face his case so stated, it
is
only because he can not face the truth.
I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this
tale
I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have
controlled
events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now, at the
end
of three years struggle the Nation's condition is not what either
party, or
any man devised, or expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is
tending
seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills
also
that we of the North as well as you of the South, shall pay for our
complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find therein new cause
to
attest and revere the justice and goodness of God."
4/4/64
Quoted from "Lincoln; Speeches and Writings, 1859-65, Library of the
Americas.
Walt